ws drop when they hear about FSA agents making bonuses for helping foreclose small farms. They have a hard time believing it," Hardin said.

Seven years ago, black farmers won a historic settlement from the USDA for discriminatory practices. Both Burger and Hardin worked hard to help achieve this victory.

But an estimated 66,000 black farmers did not apply in time for the settlement funds and they’re still not getting treated fairly, according to Burger, who has been helping farmers in various organizations attempting to get their money.

"The original notices for application were mostly printed in inner city newspapers and those publications that rout

When Iowan Don Burger learned about his state’s most recent scandal – unjustly high salaries paid to publicly funded employment training administrators – he knew right away that farmers could up the ante.

The long-time advocate for black and small farm owners says that many farmers have their own stories to tell about their family farms forced into foreclosure and of bonuses made by government officials who aid in these foreclosures – the same officials presumably paid to help train family farmers to survive economic crises.

Burger is a retired U. S. Justice Department regional community relations specialist who also served as evaluation staff development officer in Washington, D.C. In 1965 the Iowan was named the first director to head the state’s first Civil Rights Commission.

But since his retirement in 1990, Burger has built a second career advocating for black small farm owners, a consulting job that has kept him busy when he is not working on civil rights projects, including recent reports of lynching.

"Until he was bumped up to a federal job in the Department of Agriculture this past month, Chris Beyerhelm, Iowa Farm Services Agency farm loan chief, according to farmers, was traveling throughout his region, providing guidance to USDA administrators on measures to expeditiously process foreclosure of farmers whose loan repayments are allegedly in arrears," Burger said.

Beyerhelm left his state job in April, "achieving more power" when he was named assistant deputy administrator of FSA’s farm loan programs, according to Burger.

The state U. S. Department of Agriculture office confirmed Beyerhelm's promotion.

"I think what Beyerhelm has done is even worse than CIETC’s administrators, since the FSA was founded on the intent of serving small farmers, not destroying them," Burger said.

Burger was responding in part to a series of stories reported by the Des Moines Register involving the U.S. Department of Labor, which supplied the Central Iowa Employment and Training Consortium or CIETC with much of its funding that went to administrators salaries rather than help unemployed clients.

CIETC has come under federal investigation since a state audit released March 31 showed its three top executives collected $1.8 million in pay over a 30-month period. The events have triggered a federal audit of the nation's 600 local work force boards.

Pete Hardin, publisher of a farming newsletter, Milkweed, that advocates for small farmers’ rights, joins Burger in assessing FSA's role in farm foreclosures; Hardin's publication ran an article in January of 2006 regarding the bonus payments.

"People’s jaws drop when they hear about FSA agents making bonuses for helping foreclose small farms. They have a hard time believing it," Hardin said.

Seven years ago, black farmers won a historic settlement from the USDA for discriminatory practices. Both Burger and Hardin worked hard to help achieve this victory.

But an estimated 66,000 black farmers did not apply in time for the settlement funds and they’re still not getting treated fairly, according to Burger, who has been helping farmers in various organizations attempting to get their money.

"The original notices for application were mostly printed in inner city newspapers and those publications that routi

officer in Washington, D.C. In 1965 the Iowan was named the first director to head the state’s first Civil Rights Commission.

But since his retirement in 1990, Burger has built a second career advocating for black small farm owners, a consulting job that has kept him busy when he is not working on civil rights projects, including recent reports of lynching.

"Until he was bumped up to a federal job in the Department of Agriculture this past month, Chris Beyerhelm, Iowa Farm Services Agency farm loan chief, according to farmers, was traveling throughout his region, providing guidance to USDA administrators on measures to expeditiously process foreclosure of farmers whose loan repayments are allegedly in arrears," Burger said.

Beyerhelm left his state job in April, "achieving more power" when he was named assistant deputy administrator of FSA’s farm loan programs, according to Burger.

The state U. S. Department of Agriculture office confirmed Beyerhelm's promotion.

"I think what Beyerhelm has done is even worse than CIETC’s administrators, since the FSA was founded on the intent of serving small farmers, not destroying them," Burger said.

Burger was responding in part to a series of stories reported by the Des Moines Register involving the U.S. Department of Labor, which supplied the Central Iowa Employment and Training Consortium or CIETC with much of its funding that went to administrators salaries rather than help unemployed clients.

CIETC has come under federal investigation since a state audit released March 31 showed its three top executives collected $1.8 million in pay over a 30-month period. The events have triggered a federal audit of the nation's 600 local work force boards.

Pete Hardin, publisher of a farming newsletter, Milkweed, that advocates for small farmers’ rights, joins Burger in assessing FSA's role in farm foreclosures; Hardin's publication ran an article in January of 2006 regarding the bonus payments.

"People’s jaws drop when they hear about FSA agents making bonuses for helping foreclose small farms. They have a hard time believing it," Hardin said.

Seven years ago, black farmers won a historic settlement from the USDA for discriminatory practices. Both Burger and Hardin worked hard to help achieve this victory.

But an estimated 66,000 black farmers did not apply in time for the settlement funds and they’re still not getting treated fairly, according to Burger, who has been helping farmers in various organizations attempting to get their money.

"The original notices for application were mostly printed in inner city newspapers and those publications that rout

farmers whose loan repayments are allegedly in arrears," Burger said.

Beyerhelm left his state job in April, "achieving more power" when he was named assistant deputy administrator of FSA’s farm loan programs, according to Burger.

The state U. S. Department of Agriculture office confirmed Beyerhelm's promotion.

"I think what Beyerhelm has done is even worse than CIETC’s administrators, since the FSA was founded on the intent of serving small farmers, not destroying them," Burger said.

Burger was responding in part to a series of stories reported by the Des Moines Register involving the U.S. Department of Labor, which supplied the Central Iowa Employment and Training Consortium or CIETC with much of its funding that went to administrators salaries rather than help unemployed clients.

CIETC has come under federal investigation since a state audit released March 31 showed its three top executives collected $1.8 million in pay over a 30-month period. The events have triggered a federal audit of the nation's 600 local work force boards.

Pete Hardin, publisher of a farming newsletter, Milkweed, that advocates for small farmers’ rights, joins Burger in assessing FSA's role in farm foreclosures; Hardin's publication ran an article in January of 2006 regarding the bonus payments.

"People’s jaws drop when they hear about FSA agents making bonuses for helping foreclose small farms. They have a hard time believing it," Hardin said.

Seven years ago, black farmers won a historic settlement from the USDA for discriminatory practices. Both Burger and Hardin worked hard to help achieve this victory.

But an estimated 66,000 black farmers did not apply in time for the settlement funds and they’re still not getting treated fairly, according to Burger, who has been helping farmers in various organizations attempting to get their money.

"The original notices for application were mostly printed in inner city newspapers and those publications that rout

Employment and Training Consortium or CIETC with much of its funding that went to administrators salaries rather than help unemployed clients.

CIETC has come under federal investigation since a state audit released March 31 showed its three top executives collected $1.8 million in pay over a 30-month period. The events have triggered a federal audit of the nation's 600 local work force boards.

Pete Hardin, publisher of a farming newsletter, Milkweed, that advocates for small farmers’ rights, joins Burger in assessing FSA's role in farm foreclosures; Hardin's publication ran an article in January of 2006 regarding the bonus payments.

"People’s jaws drop when they hear about FSA agents making bonuses for helping foreclose small farms. They have a hard time believing it," Hardin said.

Seven years ago, black farmers won a historic settlement from the USDA for discriminatory practices. Both Burger and Hardin worked hard to help achieve this victory.

But an estimated 66,000 black farmers did not apply in time for the settlement funds and they’re still not getting treated fairly, according to Burger, who has been helping farmers in various organizations attempting to get their money.

"The original notices for application were mostly printed in inner city newspapers and those publications that rout

ws drop when they hear about FSA agents making bonuses for helping foreclose small farms. They have a hard time believing it," Hardin said.

Seven years ago, black farmers won a historic settlement from the USDA for discriminatory practices. Both Burger and Hardin worked hard to help achieve this victory.

But an estimated 66,000 black farmers did not apply in time for the settlement funds and they’re still not getting treated fairly, according to Burger, who has been helping farmers in various organizations attempting to get their money.

"The original notices for application were mostly printed in inner city newspapers and those publications that routinely publish in rural releases provided by USDA were not used by the federal agency."

And so in what has become a yearly occurrence, black farmers will make their way to Washington, D.C., April 26 to voice their displeasure once again with the way Pigford v. Johanns is being settled. All farmers are being asked to support this rally, since many other issues deal with them as well, Burger said.

"The same thing happening to black farmers is also happening to others including Hispanics, Native Americans and women."

Burger and Hardin join with other small farm advocates who believe that a concerted effort to close down family farm operations has been in effect since 1972 when the USDA published the Young Executives Report in the June 21 Congressional Record, "a thirty-year strategic plan focused on reorganizing American agriculture to remove and replace family farms with corporate farming to supposedly make the United States more competitive."

At the time, the report was titled, "US Dept of Agriculture Young Executive Committee Plan to Abolish Farms Support Program; New Directions for U.S. Agricultural Policy."

"Some have describe the plan as Orwellian," Burger said, giving as example "a most recent incarnation of one of their proposals to implant computer chip transponders in beef, pork, goat, dairy cows, turkey, chickens – all farm produced agricultural food livestock."

Even the adversarial New York attorney general Elliott Spitzer recently joined the fray, speaking before the National Farm Family Coalition on corporate farming strategies.

Spitzer promised the group he would keep a close eye on the trend toward ever-fewer market players.

"The notion that small farms have an inadequate voice in the industry is especially troubling … whether it be on the Wall Street trading floors or in the barns and farms of Upstate New York, fundamental fairness must be maintained in order for markets to operate efficiently," Spitzer said.

Burger, Hardin and other black and small farm advocates have noticed that small farmers of all color are being drawn together in the fight to keep their land and acquire the money they believe is due them.

"Even Amish farmers are being impacted and this speaks to freedom of religion issues," Hardin said.

Meanwhile in Iowa, Federal investigators have launched an investigation into salaries paid at job-training programs nationwide as they respond to the financial scandal at the central Iowa publicly funded agency.

Burger’s response?

"I can only hope the inquiry extends to their reports of bonus payments for FSA farm loan administrators, as well, where the issue is o